ATHENS — Greece’s attempt to lure top scientists back to their homeland after the trauma of the financial crisis has stalled after an ambitious program to reverse the brain drain descended into fiasco.

A group of professors who hoped to bring back young researchers through a much-advertised program financed with EU funds are now feeling betrayed, having been left waiting for years only to find out the program won’t happen.

To rub salt into the wound, no one from the government bothered to inform them that the scheme was dead, they said.

“All this ‘brain gain’ talk isn’t just a joke; it’s a massive step backward,” Aristides Hatzis, a professor at the University of Athens, said. “During the financial crisis, there was only one area where there was money invested: research, as the EU prioritized this. Now there’s nothing; it’s at the very bottom of the list of priorities — a complete abandonment.”

An estimated 500,000 people moved abroad during Greece’s financial crisis, which began in 2008, shrinking the country’s economy by a quarter and driving unemployment to 28 percent. Greece had experienced mass migration before, including in the decades after World War II, but this time it was many citizens with high levels of education and skills who emigrated.

“Brain Regain,” an initiative by the ruling conservative New Democracy government to reverse the mass exodus of scientists and professionals, comprises several schemes, such as offering a 50 percent income tax exemption for seven years, and is expanding to include high-skilled public sector roles.

And overall, the situation has improved since the crisis era.

According to the survey OECD Diaspora Review Greece, from 2021 onward, there has been a steady increase in the number of citizens returning to Greece, with 2023 marking a milestone year when — for the first time since the start of the crisis — more people returned than left. Specifically, during the two-year period of 2023–2024, 69,000 Greeks left their country while 98,000 returned.

But when it comes to scientists, there is still a major problem.

Star-crossed project

The current fury of many researchers and scientists hinges on a Greek government project called “Trust your Stars” — an €80 million research funding program backed by funds from EU’s post-Covid recovery fund, the Recovery and Resilience Facility (RRF).

Research teams were called to submit their proposals, with 145 out of a total 1,241 submissions selected. Thirteen months later, after several complaints regarding the delay, the selected list of projects was finally published on July 22, 2025.

Then, it all started to unravel.

Those not selected for funding reacted fiercely, with some 203 submitted objections and calls for reevaluation. Scientists raised their concerns over the evaluation process itself, and some even submitted complaints to the European Public Prosecutor’s Office.

In January 2026, Greece’s development ministry then issued a statement, saying payments of some €40 million had already been made, and that the remaining half of the program’s budget was earmarked for completion by Dec. 31, 2029. But complaints only escalated, with some of those selected for funding sending formal legal notices to the education ministry, seeking details about where the money had been spent since the program had not yet started.

Then, the final bombshell dropped: Trust your Stars was not going to receive the EU funds anymore.

In a statement published in May, Greece’s education ministry said the country’s finance ministry had decided to “remove the project during the review of Greece’s National Recovery and Resilience Plan.” It was later revealed that on the day the list of selected proposals was officially published, the government also delisted the program — but no one informed the applicants for 10 months.

“It was ultimately not possible to implement the project ‘Trust your Stars’ within the time frame set out by the RRF,” said an official from the education ministry. “For this reason, the project was removed, as part of a review of the National Recovery and Resilience Plan by the Council of the European Union.”

“As regards the funds linked to the actions in question, these were redirected to finance other actions undertaken by the RRF and the Education Ministry. Consequently, under no circumstances was there any loss of resources from the RRF,” added the official.

Shattered hopes

On July 15, Greece’s finance ministry issued a statement, saying it was trying to secure funds “to settle any outstanding financial obligations arising from legal commitments entered into at the time of the revocation of the program.”

While the statement rekindled hopes that a solution would be found, Hatzis argues that it was just a legal trick and that the education ministry has no legal commitment since no contracts were signed following the initial announcement of accepted proposals.

“What happened violates a fundamental principle, one that is sacrosanct in states governed by the rule of law: ‘reliance,’ the citizen’s legitimate trust in the state,” he said. “There may be no contractual liability, since we did not sign an agreement, but there is a political, moral and even legal obligation. Many young people turned down other offers or did not take up jobs elsewhere because they hoped they would be paid through the program.”

Hatzis added that with its handling of the situation, the government had managed to turn the entire scientific community against it — both those who had been successful and those who had not.

“If you’re a young scientist and you’re abroad, stay there! If you’re a young scientist and you’re thinking of moving abroad, go for it. Don’t wait a minute!” he wrote in a lengthy social media post.

Pantelis Kammas, an associate professor at the Athens University of Economics and Business who was co-leading one of the teams that had a successful proposal, said the program was a chronicle of a death foretold.

“The perception within the scientific community was that this was EU money and that it could be handed out hastily through nontransparent procedures. There was a sense of mistrust because this was a one-off emergency program,” said Kammas. “The ministry lacked an organized framework for evaluation, the academic community’s objections were based on these well-known shortcomings, and media that seek to oppose the government jumped on that. This was the perfect storm, so the government decided to backtrack and cancel the program.”

Petros Bouras-Vallianatos, an associate professor of the history of science at the University of Athens, said he had gathered a team of 25 young scientists to come to Greece from countries like the U.K. and Germany for a study of medicines used during the Byzantine period, which could serve as inspiration for new pharmaceutical formulations. Fortunately, they had not already traveled by the time the project was canceled.

“The most offensive thing is that the government never bothered to meet us or give us a reasonable explanation about what happened,” he said, noting the government’s handling created even greater problems with the scientific community than those that already existed.

Bouras-Vallianatos himself returned to Greece in 2022 after a 15-year career in Edinburgh, and has not regretted the decision, as he wanted to raise his children in his homeland. However, he added that while many others wanted to return to Greece, the conditions for doing so were not in place. Some of them do but only for sentimental, personal reasons, he said.

“There has been no serious policy by the Greek state to get its scientists back.”

According to preliminary statistics, research spending in Greece has declined, dropping to €1.27 billion — or 0.51 percent of GDP — in 2025, from €1.30 billion in 2024.

“Funding and low salaries is a big issue,” continued Bouras-Vallianatos. “An independent body should be set up, which would allocate funds for research and adheres to international standards in terms of evaluation. We are a small country; we all know each other, so a large proportion of the evaluators should be foreigners.”

LONDON — Britain’s Liberal Democrats are holding fire against Andy Burnham — for now.

The centrist party has studiously avoided criticizing the new Labour prime minister during his first weeks in power, instead pushing the same “constructive opposition” approach followed during predecessor Keir Starmer’s early stint in Downing Street.

“I like what he’s doing,” says 2024-intake Lib Dem MP Martin Wrigley. “I like the way he’s going, focusing on things that matter.” The question is: how long can it last?

A person familiar with Lib Dem Leader Ed Davey’s thinking, granted anonymity because their job does not authorize them to speak publicly, says the party hopes Burnham removes the “performative hostility” from Westminster.

“That style of politics really suits the populist parties, both on the left and the right, and it isn’t the sort of politics that we as Liberal Democrats want to do,” they argued.

But while not rocking the boat has landed well with Lib Dem MPs, there is still a call for a distinctive identity for the party in a highly competitive political environment, with Labour enjoying a “Burnham bounce” in the opinion polls on the left, and Tory Leader Kemi Badenoch’s personal brand on the up.

Duty of care

Davey — whose party enjoyed its best-ever result at the 2024 election but remains only just in double digits in national polls — has already made one big play in the Burnham era: being helpful on reforming social care.

The creaking social care system in England is a policy challenge governments of all stripes have failed to meet — leaving families with drained finances and cash-strapped local authorities plugging the gaps.

The Lib Dem leader, who cares for his disabled son, attended a virtual cross-party meeting after Burnham, whose own father is in a care home with Alzheimer’s, called for an open conversation on a fix.

This proactive approach has so far landed well with Davey’s troops. “I don’t think we’re going to sink the process if we don’t get everything we want,” says Lib Dem Shadow Commons Leader Bobby Dean. “If we can get cross-party consensus on one element, then we should get on with that element straight away.” 

Indeed, Mike Storey, the Lib Dems’ co-deputy leader in the House of Lords, says the party will “cooperate fully on social care … and we’ll do it with no strings attached.” 

The person familiar with Davey’s thinking laid out the approach, saying “People are put off” by opposition parties that “decide to just immediately say ‘oh, they’re terrible. They’re breaking everything again’” when a new government arrives.

Tom Lubbock, co-founder of polling agency J.L. Partners, agrees a conciliatory approach makes sense for now as “you just look a bit mad if you just go in studs-up within the first couple of months.”

But there’s some angst about making sure the Lib Dems clearly separate themselves from Labour.

Party of the countryside 

It’s not the first time the Lib Dems have tried to play nice with a Labour prime minister.

But Davey’s party soon found ways to differentiate themselves from the increasingly unpopular Keir Starmer.

After Starmer’s government changed inheritance tax rules for farmers, the Lib Dems spied an opening — dubbing it the “family farm tax” and ramping up campaigning.

The party has an “extraordinary niche and an extraordinary opportunity” to pose as the “Countryside Alliance arm of the Labour Party,” argues Lubbock — in other words, a progressive rival to Labour that rural voters can still get behind.

Burnham’s focus on reviving urban areas may lend itself to this approach, with Lib Dem figures poised to exploit any perception “Avanti Andy” is shuttling between London and Manchester, another major city.

Adam Dance, who represents the rural constituency of Yeovil, warns Burnham “can’t be a prime minister just for Manchester and the biggest cities” and says “he needs to understand rural areas.” 

Northern MP Tom Gordon also challenges the prime minister’s claim to represent northern England, arguing this “does feel slightly performative.” He reckons voters “don’t hate him [Burnham] yet” as “he’s not had long enough to make any really unpopular decisions.”

Left vs. right blocs 

Much of the Lib Dems’ success under Davey has come from wooing disillusioned Conservatives, targeting Tory-held seats in the home counties — dubbed the “blue wall.”

But winning remaining Tory areas next time round could be harder if the Lib Dems appear too closely aligned with a Labour government. 

Lubbock argues the Lib Dems will do “much worse” if supporters of Nigel Farage’s Reform UK “get on the Conservative bandwagon” to help defeat Labour nationally. That would be a mirror of the way some Labour supporters tactically backed the Lib Dems in 2024 to oust the Tories.

Though the Tories are still stuck below 20 percent in most polls, there are signs of recovery. YouGov data last month put Badenoch’s net favorability score at the highest of any Conservative leader for more than five years. Her position is undeniably more stable than it was 12 months ago.

While Lib Dems are optimistic Badenoch’s moves to the right on net zero and human rights will push more One Nation, centrist Conservatives in their direction, their Tory rivals sound bullish.

Tory MP Gregory Stafford, who saw off a challenge by the Lib Dems to win Farnham and Bordon two years ago, doesn’t think there are more Tories left for the Lib Dems to poach.

“All I’m seeing is those people coming back, not the other way round,” says Stafford about voters who bid the Tories farewell in 2024. Despite his narrow win, he thinks some of the 6,000 Reform UK voters in his seat will return — thanks to Badenoch.

“They see demonstrably in Kemi a leader that both they like as a person, but also speaks their language and speaks to the policies that they’re concerned about,” he argues.

As such, the Lib Dems may settle for a stronger attack against the right.

“People just don’t feel listened to,” says the party’s Scotland spokesperson Susan Murray. “When they don’t feel listened to, they are open to populism.” She argues that both the Lib Dems and Labour are “not succeeding in getting that message [of hope and opportunities] across.” Dean adds, “There’s a massive demand out there for a liberal party to make a bold offer to the country and at the moment that space feels vacated.” 

It’s a perceived weakness Stafford, the Conservative MP, plans to leap on at the next election. “The real danger for the Liberal Democrats is that they are seen as a patsy party that might champion local issues locally, but actually have nothing to say distinctive on the national stage,” he argues.

Roz Savage, who entered the Commons for the Lib Dems in 2024, recognizes the outfit has a “PR challenge that people think of us as the nice party.” Instead, a “bigger story” is required about a future Lib Dem government, she says.

“When we talk to Lib Dem voters in focus groups, they don’t really have a clear vision for what the Lib Dem party should stand for,” says Merlin Strategy’s Head of Research, Julian Gallie. People often back them as a vote against other parties, the political analyst says.

MPs also want the Lib Dems to reach beyond their traditional strongholds and target historically Labour areas — including Newcastle and Hull. Both have Lib Dem-run city councils, but are the kind of areas in which Burnham will fancy he can improve Labour’s standing. Meral Hussein-Ece, the Lib Dems’ Lords equality spokesperson, says the party must also do more to understand “the diversity of this country, which I don’t think we’ve done very well so far.” 

Lib Dem conference in Brighton next month will give the party a chance to lay a marker for the expected general election in 2029. But MPs want more than set-piece events to present a distinctive vision. 

“We do have to do better at utilizing the likes of social media and capturing the attention all the time, not just when we get the spotlight shined on us,” argues Gordon, the Harrogate and Knaresborough MP.

The Lib Dems, he says, have to drive “conversation on our own terms, rather than always having to just respond.” 

The first thing I noticed when I gave up American technology was the silence.

My phone usually starts up before I get out of bed, buzzing every few minutes throughout the day with calls, messages, headlines, calendar reminders and social media alerts. It’s a constant pulse that averages nearly 200 iPhone notifications on weekends and twice as many Monday-to-Friday.

But on this warm mid-summer Sunday, my life was on an unlikely version of mute. After years of reporting on Europe’s push to wean itself off U.S. tech giants and cultivate homegrown alternatives, I had decided to test my own daily habit by cutting myself off from using any American technology for 72 hours.

No iPhone. No Mac. No Slack or Teams. No Google Search or Maps. No ChatGPT. No WhatsApp or Signal. No Facebook or Instagram feeds. No credit card payments.

I wondered if I would turn into a digital monk.

For three days, I set out to live and work in Brussels as if U.S. tech had suddenly become unavailable to me overnight. It was a purposefully fictional scenario rooted in a very real European anxiety: what happens if Washington weaponizes our continent’s Silicon Valley dependence and reaches for the tech “kill switch?”

Limited versions of that scenario have already surfaced. When U.S. President Donald Trump’s administration cut off French-born International Criminal Court judge Nicolas Guillou from U.S.-linked financial and technology services, he called it a form of “civil death.”

Meanwhile, U.S. export controls in June forced Anthropic to block foreign nationals from accessing two of its most advanced AI models, offering a glimpse of what government bans on access to cutting-edge technology can look like.

Such episodes feed into mounting fears that the Trump administration could use Europe’s overreliance on U.S. tech as leverage in trade fights or disputes over EU regulations. A Proton survey released earlier this month found that 74 percent of European business leaders worry such a cutoff could disrupt their operations.

In my own little experiment, the stakes were much lower. Yet I was about to find out that replacing American tools with those built here in Europe was going to make almost everything harder — and lonelier.

Trying to live without U.S. tech, I would find out, essentially amounts to trying to live without tech at all. That was partly because, like virtually all of my fellow Europeans, I had locked myself into those consumer choices.

Dumbphones and FOMO

The early symptoms of going cold turkey looked suspiciously like withdrawal.

On that first morning, with my iPhone shut off, I reached for a Nokia brick from Finland. The so-called dumbphone is the type of device now enjoying a second life among people detoxing from screen time and is also a favorite of drug dealers seeking to avoid getting busted by any tracking and data collection.

Several hours in, I realized there were no notifications on the Nokia. Nobody calls or texts anymore. Then came the shameful part: a sense of helplessness, followed by FOMO-fueled restlessness. The world had surely kept spinning at full speed, and I was missing it. For the next few days, I would still catch myself checking the phone compulsively like an addict.

“The phone aged you instantly,” my best friend joked later that day as we traded our now-standard FaceTime video calls for a regular one. It was unclear whether he meant the muffled audio or me struggling with a new-but-actually-old device, or both.

I did notice that I was pacing up and down my flat because my usually overstimulated brain apparently couldn’t handle focusing on a voice-only call.

One instant benefit from my dumbphone: no doomscrolling in bed.

It all took me back to my first cellphone at 13, when texting meant tapping the same tiny key several times for a single letter, every SMS cost money and abbreviations and emojis were not just stylistic choices but ways to squeeze more into a message.

I knew my social media life would be at risk in my experiment. European alternatives such as Mastodon have gained traction since Elon Musk turned Twitter into X. But who joins a social network when none of their friends are there?

That was fine. I was actually eager to disappear for a while, well aware of the anxiety social media induces in me and the insecurities created by constantly watching other people’s supposedly perfect lives.

Online shopping was out — but so too was paying by card in stores and restaurants. The payment networks I rely on are American: Visa and Mastercard dominate card payments across Europe, meaning that even a purchase made with a European bank card often still runs over U.S.-controlled rails.

It meant I had to buy everything using cash, which I hadn’t done regularly in ages. Fortunately, unlike in some other European countries, Belgian legislation requires merchants to accept banknotes. The hard part was finding some of those stores without the help of Google Maps, which I’d come to rely on almost as much as my credit cards.

The invisible grip

Swearing off Netflix, Amazon Prime, Disney+ and YouTube was also part of the deal — already eliminating a sizable chunk of my leisure time. But it turned out I could barely watch anything at all, or even properly test European streaming platforms, because my television and tablet both ran on Google software.

Thankfully, an offline Nintendo Switch from Japan, good old books and the legendary Snake game kept me company.

These invisible dependencies run deep. Beyond the products we use every day, U.S. systems often serve as gateways to European companies trying to take on Big Tech.

Take Sweden’s Spotify or the Estonia-based rival to Uber, Bolt. Both still heavily rely on U.S.-controlled app stores, operating systems, payment networks and other digital infrastructure.

And then there is the cloud: the data centers and servers that host websites, process data and route traffic. The vast majority of that market is dominated by Amazon, Microsoft and Google, whose infrastructure supports large parts of Europe’s digital economy.

Many corners of Europe would go dark if those services were shut down, with its economy, public administration and communications infrastructure struggling to function normally.

Working outside the stack

On Monday morning, I walked into the office with the slightly misplaced confidence that I had prepared for everything. My efficiency at work, admittedly during a very quiet summer week, took less of a hit than I expected.

I was still working from the office. I used an open-source, Linux-powered computer. I communicated by email through a Switzerland-based Proton address, browsed the web using the Norwegian browser Vivaldi and French search engine Qwant, wrote everything in LibreOffice and even tried Mistral’s generative AI assistant. And there was always a good old notebook.

I felt productive. But the workflow around me was not. The tools themselves worked perfectly well once I accepted that breaking years of habits would take time. The disruption ultimately came from stunted collaboration: meetings, messages, shared documents and the constant stream of small exchanges that keep a newsroom moving.

“It was like you disappeared,” one colleague would tell me later.

European alternatives do exist in that space. The problem is, just like for social media, they only work properly when everyone else uses them too or when competing systems are interoperable — something the EU has long tried to legislate and enforce, often against resistance from large technology platforms.

For this little while, despite technically being able to continue working, I became an outsider within my own team. I had to skip our routine video meetings on Slack and Teams, while missing messages sent over WhatsApp and Signal.

In a trade, a city and an era built around instant messaging, sending a good old SMS felt almost prehistoric — a reminder of the longstanding complaints from the European telecom industry about losing messaging and calling revenues to U.S. tech firms.

Ultimately, this underscored one of the major pinch points in Europe’s push for greater tech independence: digital sovereignty is not an individual project. It only works if people, companies and institutions move together.

On their own, individual efforts are more likely to leave people feeling digitally isolated rather than digitally sovereign.

Relax and relapse

And yet, there was something blissful about these three days.

The initial anxiety slowly gave way to a kind of peace. Of course, that feeling may only reflect that the experiment was temporary and my digital life had not been erased.

The experience nevertheless highlighted how much I had taken these tools for granted. I have placed all my eggs in the same digital basket: my communication channels, the tools I use to authenticate myself and access the digital world, my polished digital self and years of accumulated knowledge, all stored inside one sprawling digital safe.

The concern is no longer simply whether that safe could be broken into from the outside. It is also whether somebody could lock it — or empty it — from within.

Now, as you might wonder how I’ll act on what I’ve learned, I am strangely reminded of Covid.

Many of us emerged from that temporary era of lockdowns and involuntary limits full of healthy new habits and grand ideas about how our lifestyles should change, only to return remarkably quickly to our old routines.

Sadly, the same thing happened here. My iPhone came straight back into my pocket. Messages began flowing through again. My bank card returned to its usual place. Within hours, I had fallen comfortably back into the U.S. technology stack.

As I switched my smartphone back on, my screen lit up with incoming texts inquiring whether my little experiment was over. After 72 hours of old-school SMS exchanges, two different friends were both clearly eager to return to reality, sending me the same final text: “Back to WhatsApp?”

White House envoy Jared Kushner met with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu for hours Monday, yielding an agreement to establish two working groups for disarmament and public health in the Gaza Strip, according to the Board of Peace and the Israeli leader’s office.

The meeting came a week after Netanyahu publicly rejected a 15-point plan negotiated by the United States with Hamas, which agreed to hand over its weapons as part of a roadmap that calls for Israel to withdraw its troops from Gaza.

“We’ve made a lot of progress to get here,” Kushner said Monday on Fox News. “For Israel we think this is a win-win situation because if Hamas actually gives over the weapons and the tunnels willingly over the next 60 to 90 days that obviously would be the elimination of a huge security threat for Israel, almost an unthinkable achievement.”

Kushner’s comments and the two readouts of his meeting seemed to show the Board moving toward Israel’s wide understanding of the definition of disarmament, which appears in conflict with Hamas’ more narrow interpretation. The gap underscores the difficulty in getting a final agreement that all three parties can agree to, despite the progress in establishing the working groups.

“It was agreed that there will be no [Israeli Defense Forces] redeployment from Gaza until Hamas is fully disarmed and all of Gaza is demilitarized – every weapon, light and heavy, and every tunnel,” the Board of Peace said in a statement.

An official familiar with the talks, granted anonymity to disclose details, confirmed Board of Peace envoy Nickolay Mladenov and former British Prime Minister Tony Blair attended the meeting with Netanyahu as well.

The White House and State Department referred questions on the meeting to the Board of Peace.

Kushner visited Jerusalem a day after he met with Hamas leader Khalil al-Hayya in Cairo.

The Board of Peace roadmap, published this month, called for Hamas to disarm and relinquish control in Gaza to a National Committee for the Administration of Gaza, which the Board of Peace oversees. The Israeli military would withdraw its troops from Gaza in return. Hamas official Ghazi Hamad told POLITICO last week he understood the roadmap to entail “storage of heavy weapons” under NCAG. When he rejected the roadmap, Netanyahu said Israel will not withdraw from the enclave until Hamas has been “genuinely disarmed.”

Another Hamas official, granted anonymity to frankly discuss negotiations, told POLITICO that he saw a difference in the terms of disarmament between the roadmap Hamas signed and the Board of Peace’s statement Monday. While Hamas described storing heavy weapons, the Board of Peace comment envisioned decommissioning all weapons, both light and heavy, as well as tunnels.

The Monday statement from the Board of Peace “suggests a metric that is rather absolute and likely impossible to achieve” on disarmament, said Robert Danin, a former career State Department official and previous head of Blair’s Quartet Mission in Jerusalem. “It requires the removal of every pistol and every tunnel before Israel withdraws from Gaza. And presumably the discovery of either would be grounds for Israel to halt or perhaps not begin to withdraw from Gaza.”

As Minister for Defense Industry and Minister for Pacific Island Affairs, Pat Conroy is at the center of debates over AUKUS, China’s designs on the Pacific, and Australia’s efforts to mend relations with its neighbors. POLITICO sat down for a wide-ranging interview with Conroy this month, just weeks after the Albanese government struck its second landmark treaty in the region.

It was a big news month for Conroy, who announced an overhaul of defense procurement, promoted the new Australia-Fiji security pact, and toured AUKUS production and training sites in the U.S.

Conroy is Australia’s longest-serving minister for the Pacific, and the only one to serve in the role while a Cabinet member. He represents the electorate of Shortland, in New South Wales, which covers the area south of Newcastle, and parts of the Central Coast.

This interview has been lightly edited for clarity.

Over Parliament’s winter recess we’ve had the Australia-Fiji treaty signed and the PNG treaty has come into force. Can you explain for an average Australian why these Pacific security moves are important?

In the Southwest Pacific, or in the Pacific more broadly, we are in a permanent state of contest with other countries. That’s why you’ve seen an unprecedented level of engagement from the Albanese government in rebuilding relations.

Alliances only work if all parties believe genuinely that there will be follow through. It’s a contested region, and we’re talking about potential war in our region. In the case of foreign interference or military attack, what lengths is Australia prepared to go to defend its specific allies?

Well, the language in the alliances with Fiji and PNG make it clear that we will consult and act to meet a common threat. It’s the same language that’s in ANZUS.

What does Australia expect in terms of China testing that resolve?

We want to be the partner of choice for this region, and that’s contested. There are multiple sides in a contest pursuing their own interests.

Penny Wong, Albanese are very keen to refer to “the Pacific family.” Under Scott Morrison we often had references to it as Australia’s backyard.

It’s not our backyard, it’s not our neighborhood. We’re a proud member of the Pacific family — not our family, the family. That nomenclature is important because it signifies respect and I think a level of humility that Australia hasn’t always engaged in in this area.

Back to your earlier question about the Wale proposal; We’ve signaled if that’s what he wants to drive, if that’s what the Pacific leaders decide to pursue, we will back it 100 percent. But ultimately it’s within their sovereign decision-making.

What’s the deeper point of rugby league diplomacy, beyond adding a PNG NRL team or giving leaders a social outing?

It’s fundamental. This is the first time in the history of the world a country’s used sporting diplomacy to this level. It’s an essential factor in building people-to-people connections. It interlinks our countries at fundamental levels. It’s about economic development in Port Moresby itself. It will also unite their nation.

I call it “PM Marape’s Nelson Mandela vision,” just as in ’94, Mandela used rugby to unite in a post-apartheid South Africa. PM Marape sees this as one of the ways to uniting a very diverse country, a country of — I think it’s 800 languages spoken across 1000 tribes. Rugby league is one of the few things that unites all of them, so we’re helping him with his national project. Then introducing an NRL visa means that not only will Australians be traveling more to watch their teams get smashed by the Chiefs, you’ll see Papua New Guineans traveling to Townsville and Melbourne to watch the Chiefs play here.

It seems to be — and is this part of the strategy? — that rugby league is something that uniquely Australia can offer in a contested area.

We’re using every lever of statecraft to be the partner of choice, and that means picking things that are of high value to our Pacific partners that only we, or very few countries, can offer. So whether it’s rugby league, or opening up Australia to Pacific migration through the Pacific Engagement Visa, or our labor markets through the PALM.

On the PALM visa. We’re obviously in a pretty febrile debate about immigration at the moment. If there were to be an extension of the PALM visa, is there the political space to push that through?

I genuinely think that for most Australians, we’ve got such a strong Pacific diaspora that there’s a lot of sympathy for Pacific Islanders in Australia.

Fifty percent of NRL players are of Pasifika heritage, so they are walking ambassadors. Even if they’re born in this country, it might be their mum or dad that came from Tonga or Samoa or PNG — or their grandparents. That bond is so powerful.

We’ve now got a league fan in Number 10. Is that a point of leverage with London, and is Andy Burnham coming to the World Cup?

Well, I hope so. I have no idea. Look, it’s great. The northern English Rugby League heritage is incredibly powerful.

There’s a jersey I received when I last went to Barrow from the local team that a couple of BAE workers presented to me. So it’s a great opportunity. One of my greatest rugby league heroes is Adrian Morley [NRL player from greater Manchester].

On Barrow, you visited recently. It’s facing an uphill battle just on ballistic submarines, let alone the new attack class. Is there anything Australia can be doing to help the U.K. get over the line, and is there anything you want to see changed under Andy Burnham compared to Starmer?

Well, I think declarations of the death or struggles of the U.K. sovereign industry have been completely overblown. They’re scaling up massively. I was in Barrow in February 2023 [and] went back in February this year.

In February 2023, they had 8,000 people in a shipyard. Now it’s 16,000, and they’ve got strong plans on expanding both Barrow, to deal with their increased build rate, but also move work to other places. So they’re ramping up, but they’ll get to a position where, if they can get to continuous nuclear submarine building, then the efficiency will be really strong. At the moment, they’ve had some big gaps.

One of the reasons I’m convinced AUKUS will succeed is in the national interest of all three countries. It really adds sustainability to their industry, which is really important.

How else can we help? Well, obviously, we’ve got Australian companies that are entering the supply chain. Pacific Maritime Batteries down at Osborne is supplying batteries to SSN AUKUS, as well as other nuclear submarine programs. Thales in Rydelmere already makes parts for the sonars.

One of the benefits of AUKUS isn’t just us receiving technology and building our base. We’ve got untapped potential in our base that is helping both the U.K. and U.S. programs.

Obviously, there’s been a change of leader even since you were there. Do you expect the path on AUKUS to change at all?

No, it’s survived changes of government in all three countries, and I think it will go strong.

Every leader might have a little individual focus on what they want to do, it’s fair to say. For Boris Johnson, and I don’t mean this as a pejorative, I think he saw this as part of his post-Brexit narrative about economic development in the U.K. I think Prime Minister Starmer and President Biden, when they were combined with Prime Minister Albanese, were much more focused on the strategic benefits of sharing this technology, as well as the industrial uplift.

John Healey is a great friend of Australia, and having him as Chancellor of the Exchequer is a great boon for us.

And Andy Burnham has a big fixation on reindustrialization of the north…

Absolutely, and this is part of it. I’ve got Luke Pollard, my counterpart, visiting and he’s charged with leading this. They see their defense industry as a key part of their economic rejuvenation of Britain as a whole, but particularly northern Britain.

There’s obviously been an optimum path to AUKUS laid out for a while now. You sound pretty confident that we’re still on that path. Do you think the public understands that there might actually be multiple paths to get towards what are our ultimate AUKUS goals?

I think we’ve been pretty open with people that this is the most complex industrial undertaking this country’s ever attempted, and that’s going to be challenging. That’s why you’re building contingency — we build in 50 percent contingency.

The first U.K. AUKUS submarine is due to hit the water in the late 2030s. There’s roughly a five year gap [from that] to our first one. So they’re taking the “first of type” risk. Their plan is probably to have two AUKUS submarines come off the production lines before we get our first. So a lot of risk is being borne by them.

Is there a common misconception that you see as a through line in the reporting of AUKUS here?

The Virginias are a very important waypoint. But AUKUS is a technology sharing pact that means that we go from three submarine construction yards across the three countries to four, and we’re becoming capable of producing our own nuclear powered submarines, with the exception of the reactor module. So for me, that’s probably common misconception number one: that AUKUS is all about Virginias. That’s one part of AUKUS — an important part — but not the whole part.

Misconception number two is people that think that AUKUS is ANZUS. They’re two very different things. One’s an alliance, the other is a technology sharing and industrial collaboration agreement.

Misconception number three, which is probably the most egregious one from the critics of AUKUS, is that somehow this is selling out our sovereignty, that in return for this submarine technology we’re pre-committing to something, which — excuse my language — absolute bullshit.

We can print that?

That’s absolute bullshit. We retain full sovereignty. These will be built in Australia, they’ll be crewed by Australians, captained by Australians, and reportable to the democratically elected government of the day. No pre-commitments to any future conflict have been given, nor will they ever be, because that is not what this government does.

People arguing for different things are actually arguments for less sovereignty. Malcolm Turnbull’s argument that if you wanted nuclear-powered submarines, why don’t you look at European nuclear-powered submarines — the French as an example. They need to be refueled every 10 years. You actually have to swap out the fuel rods every 10 years. That would require an Australian submarine going to a foreign country and being there a couple of years, The average refueling cycle is a couple of years.

Whereas [with Virginias and AUKUS class submarines] the reactor module will come sealed. We will not touch it for the 30 to 40-year life of these submarines.

We touched on it before this kind of febrile atmosphere with One Nation. My name is Finn McHugh and as a descendant of Irish Catholics, something you said the other day stood out to me. The exact quote: “They had a very different culture to our English Protestant jailers.”

Multiculturalism may be something that Australians have to grapple with for the first time in a long time at the next election. What do they need to remember about their own history?

They need to remember that we’ve always been a multicultural society. Even if you go back to the indigenous pre-European settlement, there were hundreds of tribes, hundreds of different cultures.

The Irish convicts were the original boat people. It is what it is, and we’ve never lived in a monoculture. People who paint a false past can’t be expected to deliver a real future.

The polls suggest there’s a pretty big constituency for this kind of rhetoric [questioning multiculturalism]. Do you believe this will just flame out by the next election?

When I talk to people who are saying to me when I door knock that “I’m considering voting for someone else,” I rarely get immigration.

What I get is unhappiness with the system, a view that the system is not delivering for them and their kids. And that’s why this government is very consciously saying the system is broken. We’re fixing the system. We’re delivering real change. We’re not defending the status quo.

When I talk to people, I say to them: “I get it. We want to make sure you can see a doctor for free. We want you to be able to get a decent wage. We want your kids to be able to afford a home, and we’re going to deliver that. We’re not going to try and blame the bloke down the street and say he caused your problems.”

Outside the obvious changes to your workflow, how’s your life changed since you were appointed to cabinet?

Probably an appreciation of the broader approach to the government. When you’re a [non-Cabinet] minister, you get really siloed. It’s all about what you’re delivering in your portfolio. So the importance of the cabinet is the opportunity to have broader strategic discussions about the direction of the country. So that’s something that is really a privilege being privy to. Obviously, being a member of the National Security Committee of Cabinet from day one of this government was an enormous privilege, and I was only the second Defense Industry minister after Christopher Pyne, and the first Pacific Minister, to have that. So I’ve always had that broader national security approach beyond my portfolio.

What do you think the elevation of the Pacific Minister to NSC says about the government’s approach?

It says that we think this is core business for the Australian government. You’d expect me to say that.

I’ve done, now, 37 trips to the Pacific. The Foreign Minister has gone to every PIF member. The PM has made multiple visits to multiple Pacific countries, including walking the Kokoda Track with PM Marape. The first two prime ministers [to do that]. They slept in tents next to each other for three bloody days. So that level of personal commitment symbolizes and demonstrates this government’s commitment to this region.

Does personal diplomacy matter more in the Pacific than it would in Europe, for example?

One of the things that I found in this role is that Pacific leaders, like their people, are really polite. There’s a hesitancy to often disagree with people visiting or when you’re visiting their country, because it can be seen as a sign of disrespect. So occasionally you’ll get people, if you don’t know them, not feeling like they can have honest conversations with you. Whereas having that depth of relationship means we can have really honest conversations. And that’s why those first relationships really matter.

British rail operator Virgin Trains has received pre-approval to run international train services through the Channel Tunnel, potentially breaking the current monopoly held by Eurostar.

Eurostar, a French-controlled international rail operator, is the only company providing direct passenger services from England to cities such as Amsterdam, Brussels and Paris through the tunnel. But from 2030, this could change.

“This is an important next step in bringing competition and growth to the market for international rail services,” said Martin Jones, the British Office of Rail and Road deputy director of access and international, in an official press release.

Virgin will be allowed to operate trains alongside Eurostar from 2030 to 2040, with up to 20 return journeys per day. The trains will depart from London St Pancras International and travel through the undersea rail link connecting the U.K. with northern France.

Virgin owner Richard Branson, writing in October 2025 when Virgin won approval from the British regulator to use the Temple Mills International rail depot in East London, wrote: “It’s time to end this 30-year monopoly and bring some Virgin magic to the cross-Channel route … Just as we’ve challenged incumbents in the air, on the seas, and just as we’ve led the UK rail market before – we’re ready to do it all over again.”

The decision gives the project the green light on the British side, but the rail operator still needs to secure the necessary arrangements with its European partners, the British rail regulator clarified.

“Virgin Trains must also procure rolling stock, secure access to other rail networks, and obtain safety approvals from ORR and the relevant authorities in the EU,” the press release said.

In October, Branson said Virgin was working with Alstom and planned to order 12 Avelia Stream trains.

This article has been updated.

President Donald Trump on Monday downplayed concerns that U.K. Prime Minister Andy Burnham exchanged messages with someone impersonating White House chief of staff Susie Wiles.

Asked by reporters on Monday if he’s concerned about Burnham’s judgment or the state of communication between the two countries, Trump said, “No, I’m sure that he had a miscommunication.”

“I spoke to him,” Trump told reporters in the Oval Office. “We had a good conversation. A couple of them,” he added.

Trump’s comments come after POLITICO reported that Burnham communicated with someone posing as Wiles before becoming suspicious of the illegitimate contact.

Only “a few messages” were exchanged, according to one person who spoke to POLITICO and said they were “of no significance.”

Concerned about national security, the British Embassy in Washington subsequently raised the issue to the White House, but a White House official said that the incident had “nothing to do with the Chief of Staff’s devices being hacked.”

This wouldn’t be the first time the White House has addressed security concerns regarding the impersonation of Trump’s chief of staff.

In May 2025, federal authorities launched an investigation into a separate effort to impersonate Wiles after senators, governors and top business leaders reported receiving messages from someone claiming to be Wiles, The Wall Street Journal reported.

Trump also hinted to reporters on Monday that the U.K. leader could open up the North Sea — reiterating an idea the president has previously suggested could “make the U.K. rich.”

“If you open up the North Sea, it’s one of the great finds anywhere in the world,” Trump said, adding “if they would open up the North Sea, the UK would be rich again.”

Sam Blewett contributed to this report.

Welcome to Day 2 of Canberra Playbook

ESSENTIALS

• Party room meetings will progress the debate on gambling reform, while Taylor awaits a response on his NDIS ultimatum to the PM.
• Pat Conroy calls bullshit on AUKUS myths.
• The secessionist movement Canberra forgot to pay attention to.

DRIVING THE DAY

LETTERS AND LEVERAGE: Labor and the Coalition are poised to reach a deal on gambling reforms today after Communications Minister Anika Wells introduced an opt-out register for online advertising, the ABC reports. A list of amendments will be put to the full caucus and party room meetings this morning for final approval.

Listening and preempting: “The government has listened carefully to the evidence presented during the recent Senate inquiry,” Wells said, ahead of the committee actually dropping its report. Technically the Labor-strong committee recommended the reforms pass, but pages of extra comments from the Greens and independent Sen. David Pocock expressed dissent, while the Coalition called for amendments.

“The government’s reforms respond to these concerns by introducing new restrictions on inducement-based marketing and establishing the Wagering Advertising Opt-out Register, which will provide Australians with a ‘one-stop shop’ to opt out of seeing wagering advertising on online platforms,” Wells said.

OK, JANE AUSTEN: Prime Minister Anthony Albanese and Opposition Leader Angus Taylor aren’t just holding talks, they’re now exchanging letters. Taylor has written to Albanese to say the Coalition won’t support the government’s NDIS amendments until slated tax concessions for widows and divorcees are passed, The Australian reported.

Given the “widow tax” amendment is open for public consultation until Aug. 21, no deal there means no NDIS deal this week. As we went to bed, the Treasurer wasn’t committing to a deal on the “widow tax.”

Potential loser: Jenny McAllister, who had high hopes that the NDIS legislation would pass this week.

A message from Amazon:

Thousands of businesses in Australia sell on Amazon. Like Freshwater Farm, a family-run business on the NSW Mid-North Coast. After buying the farm, Allan Hutcherson and his family revived its native plants and turned the oils and honey into premium body care. Already well known in Australia, they wanted to make a splash overseas — and Amazon helped them reach customers in the US, where repeat customers have nearly doubled. Learn more about how businesses in Australia grow on Amazon.

THE PLAYBOOK INTERVIEW

PAT CONROY, MINISTER FOR DEFENSE INDUSTRIES AND PACIFIC ISLAND AFFAIRS

Finn McHugh interviewed Conroy in his Canberra ministerial office.

Explain the Pacific’s importance to national security for the average Australian.

We are in a permanent state of contest with other countries in the region.

What’s the deeper point of rugby league diplomacy?

This is the first time in the history of the world a country’s used sporting diplomacy to this level. It’s essential in building people-to-people connections. It interlinks our countries at fundamental levels. I call it “PM Marape’s Nelson Mandela vision.” Marape sees this as one of the ways to uniting a very diverse country of 800 languages spoken across 1,000 tribes.

We’re using every lever of statecraft to be the partner of choice.

We’ve now got a league fan in Number 10. Is that a point of leverage? And is Andy Burnham coming to the World Cup in October?

Well, I hope so. I have no idea. The northern English Rugby League heritage is incredibly powerful. So it’s a great opportunity. One of my greatest rugby league heroes is Adrian Morley.

Barrow-in-Furness, where Britain builds its nuclear subs is facing an uphill battle just on ballistic submarines, let alone the new attack class.

I think declarations of the death or struggles of the U.K. sovereign industry have been completely overblown. They’ve got challenges but now they’re scaling up massively. I was in Barrow in February 2023: they had 8,000 people in a shipyard. Now it’s 16,000.

Do you expect the path on AUKUS to change at all under Burnham?

No, it’s survived changes of government in all three countries. John Healey is a great friend of Australia, and having him as Chancellor is a great boon for us.

Do you think the public understands that there might be multiple paths to what are our ultimate AUKUS goals?

This is the most complex industrial undertaking this country’s ever attempted, and that’s going to be challenging. [In the U.K.] their plan is probably to have their first two AUKUS submarines come off the production lines before we get our first. So a lot of risk is being borne by them.

What’s the biggest common misconception in the reporting of AUKUS?

That somehow this is selling out our sovereignty. That’s absolute bullshit. We retain full sovereignty.

I’m a descendant of Irish Catholics and recently you said, “They had a very different culture to our English Protestant jailers.” What do we need to remember about our history?

Go back to the indigenous pre-European settlement, there were hundreds of tribes, hundreds of different cultures. The Irish convicts were the original boat people. It is what it is, and we’ve never been a monoculture.

Read the full interview here.

REQUIRED READING

U.K. Prime Minister Andy Burnham engaged with messages from somebody impersonating one of Donald Trump’s closest advisers, Sam Blewett reports from London.

CANBERRA MEETS WORLD

CANBERRA VS. NORFOLK ISLAND

Australia has an independence problem on its own Pacific island, but you’d never know it from the nonchalance of everyone representing the Islanders in Canberra.

While the government won plaudits for its deft Pacific diplomacy, it can’t figure out how to manage less than 2,000 voters on Norfolk Island, writes Finn McHugh.

Secessionists held an independent referendum Jan. 1, have set up a rival authority, and they’re taking their claim to the United Nations. The Infrastructure department says the Jan. 1 vote has “no basis in law.” The island’s administrator, Fiona McKergow, doesn’t want to talk to POLITICO, and not even the member of Parliament representing Norfolk Island is getting involved.

Kristy McBain, the minister responsible, recently announced she hopes to “restore local democracy” through the imminent creation of the Norfolk Island Transition Assembly.

CAN DAVID SMITH COUNT? OR WILL DAVID POCOCK DO IT FOR HIM? Smith holds the ruling Labor Party’s most marginal seat — Bean, which includes Norfolk Island, by just 700 votes. Norfolk Island has double that number of voters.

Smith told Playbook he’s steering clear of the independence debate, but independent Sen. David Pocock — who backed Smith’s 2025 rival Jessie Price and would love nothing more than to supplant ACT Labor — visits the island annually, and is on-record to POLITICO providing a sympathetic ear to the disaffected.

SPLIT SCREEN — SMITH AGITATES FOR MORE DEMOCRACY IN CANBERRA: Smith might be dampening down democracy demands on Norfolk Island, but he’s found time to develop reform ideas for the ACT. Smith wrote an op-ed for The Canberra Times, published Monday, reminding citizens that “being well served by an institution must never stop us asking whether it could serve us better.”

What he said: ACT concentrating state and local governance in one Assembly exhibits patterns that “should concern anyone who values strong local democracy.”

What Canberra heard: Oh no, not more politicians!

What Norfolk Island heard: More democracy is good for Canberra, but not for Norfolk Island.

FUN NORFOLK FACTS: Norfolk Island’s independent streak runs deep. Roughly a third of Norfolk Islanders are descendants from mutineers on the HMAS Bounty — the tale that spawned four Hollywood films starring giants Errol Flynn, Clark Gable, Marlon Brando and Mel Gibson.

You couldn’t make it up: One of Nigel Farage’s MPs, Andrew Rosindell, has offered to negotiate with Canberra on the islanders’ behalf, if called upon.

DON’T MENTION THE MELONS! Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for Defense Richard Marles will host his Japanese counterpart, Japan’s Minister of Defense Koizumi Shinjiro at Parliament House over lunch. There’s a press conference: two questions total.

Useful reading: Can Australia, Japan and the U.S. integrate their missile defense systems as our region gets more dangerous? The United States Studies Centre explains why they should.

STATE OF THE NATION

MILTON DICK, EVERYWHERE, ALL AT ONCE

There’s too much attention on Anthony Albanese’s sprawling power base and not enough on Speaker Milton Dick’s cunning moves.

Dick — easily the most popular figure in the building in Playbook’s assessment — has ambitions far beyond running one chamber in one Parliament.

There is a factory line of democracy enthusiasts coming in and out of the Speaker’s Courtyard on any given day that Parliament sits, and he’s reinvigorating Parliamentary friendship groups covering dozens of countries.

This week he’s teamed up with The Y to launch a National Youth Parliament and is also branching out into merch.

The Parliament Gift Shop now stocks a range of onesie suits training Australia’s babies to aspire to one day be Speaker of the House or President of the Senate — the result of a joint lobbying effort with Senate President Sue Lines. At this rate we wouldn’t be surprised to learn if he has a reality TV deal in the works.

ON THE DL: Dick is discreetly running (not discreetly enough!) to become President of the Inter-Parliamentary Union, which is based in Switzerland. He won’t have to do any of the dirty work, like getting a tan sitting beside Lake Geneva or skiing in Davos at weekends — that’s for the full-time Secretary-General. If he wins, he’ll be more of a soothing therapist for the elite group of people tasked with keeping MPs in line, including the speakers of notable parliaments such as Afghanistan, Russia, Venezuela and Saudi Arabia.

Milton has a Nobel ring: Every parliamentary speaker gets a vote in the election — so hopefully our new Pacific allies will run up the numbers for Milton, and give him a shot at a Nobel: Nine IPU leaders have won the Nobel Peace Prize.

EX-FILES: Former Speaker Tony Smith will oversee National Youth Parliament Question Time.

Y NOW: Dick was bubbling with excitement when Playbook spoke to him Monday on his way to introduce Governor General Sam Mostyn to the students. “My vision is to bring in people who are less engaged. Kids in boater hats and ties are already engaged,” he said, unfussed at whether that might ruffle debate team feathers.

The Youth Parliament has 150 school student representatives, one for each federal electorate. While the national project is Dick’s brainchild, every state has one. Labor Sen. Charlotte Walker is, at just 22, a very recent alum of the South Australian edition.

A message from Amazon:

QUESTION TIME

CANBERRA GOES FULL SCHOOLYARD

Question Time in the House started promisingly Monday, as MPs around the chamber lauded National Youth Parliament members watching proceedings. Dan Tehan, Manager of Opposition Business, went as far as to praise the “quite extraordinary” organization and cooperation the young visitors had sparked across the building. He suggested that if any MP were to be thrown out of the Chamber for bad behavior, capable and willing substitutes were waiting in the gallery.

Almost like magic, Tehan (Xavier College) set about getting expelled. One could say there were 147 willing members of the playground punch-on.

Exasperated House School Principal Milton Dick was left constantly interrupting proceedings, “Resume your seat!” … “Show some respect in this house” … “That is in direct defiance of what I just ordered!” … “That language is beneath the dignity of this house!”

After Tehan urged Chris Bowen (St. Johns Park High School) to “cut the crap,” Head Prefect Zali Steggall (Queenswood School for Girls) urged Principal Dick to expel Tehan for setting a bad example to other students.

Given one last chance, Tehan returned to the dispatch box to reframe the question: “Will the minister just cut the fecal matter.” He was, finally, ejected.

Playbook noticed Nicolette Boele (Killara High) squeezing into the Opposition benches — camouflaged in head-to-toe blue — to pass notes to Alison Penfold (St. Clare’s High, Taree). Do either of you want to fess up to what was being discussed at length?

HUMBLED BRAGG: Over in the Senate, Liberal Sen. Andrew Bragg (Notre Dame College) had a terrible day. Dogged by rumors he’d been given a wedgie by the Shadow Cabinet bullies behind the toilet block after his recent Press Club field trip, Bragg then got detention for a rude comment before class began. “Don’t talk back to me!” Senate School Principal Sue Lines snapped. At least he was on time …

Late mark: Sen. David Shoebridge (James Ruse Agricultural High School) missed his question slot, forcing Green house captain Larissa Waters (Kelvin Grove State High School) to beg Mrs. Lines for a reprieve.

QUESTIONS WITHOUT BEING NOTICED: When the Opposition isn’t busy getting thrown out of QT, it’s almost like the government is pushing them out by other means.

In the House yesterday, Tony Burke (St. Patrick’s College, Strathfield) was nicer to One Nation’s Barnaby Joyce (Riverview) than Labor MPs were to any other member asking a question.

Labor also focused their fake (Dorothy Dixer) questions around the themes where they see One Nation as being vulnerable, such as superannuation and paid parental leave. Given the government just chooses not to answer the substance of most Opposition questions, it must be a lonely 75 minutes each sitting day for them.

EMBASSY ROW

AWARDED: The hand of Pierre-André Imbert, recently France’s ambassador to Canberra, and from this month Emmanuel Macron’s chief of staff, is detected in a new round of promotions and appointments to the Ordre du Mérite agricole, which is conspicuously heavy with Australian names.

Queensland’s Romain Bapst is now a Chevalier Mérite Agricole (French Knight).

Peter Gilmore is an Officer, and Knighthoods were awarded to Emmanuelle Bekkers, Shannon Bennett, Geraud Fabre, Gordes Frobenius, Alexandre Rougeot, Kirsten Tibballs, and Clement Demarais.

IN TOWN: John Spellar, the U.K.’s Trade Envoy to Australia.

ONLY IN AUSTRALIA

WE NEED TO TALK ABOUT THE DFAT TOILETS: Playbook spoke to 19 diplomats and contractors, and the results are not pretty. For your own sake, we’re not printing all we’ve been told, and without a pass to the highly secure R.G. Casey Building it’s impossible to verify each report.

But it’s clear that something’s up when the feedback falls into categories such as “truly disgusting,” “lack of personal responsibility” and “I actually hold it in until I get home rather than use them.”

We hear that the bathrooms are in better shape in DFAT’s Civic outpost. But all this begs the question: If the government can’t maintain toilets at a prestige location on a lease that costs more than $20 million a year, and if the people in that building can’t be trusted with toilet brushes and paper: what else on the world stage do we need to worry about them handling?

Do you know more? WhatsApp us on 0494 380 487 or email canberraplaybook@politico.com

DEAR DOROTHY

Should I tell on an MP if I see them letting their friend tailgate into the Parliament gym on the weekend?

AFTER HOURS

PLAYBOOK READER FEEDBACK

Thank you for your messages about our exclusive story on how Paul Keating has been trying to sway Albo to soften his line on China. Our favorite reply:

Memo to Keating: “Australian power can only ever be about working with other powers to leverage our own. The problem with Keating is that he just wants to delete U.S. and replace with China. Sucking up to a new superpower is not the solution when our interests are clearly not aligned.”

We also noted frustration at how the Productivity Commission report on dividing GST Funds is being handled. The top reply:

Memo to Roger Cook and Anthony Albanese: “Why are we not being smarter on the W.A. deal? There is a deal to be done. We know we need to electrify mining to become self-reliant, instead of being dependent on diesel. So why not help them future proof the mines with clean energy, with a tax credit, in exchange for more of the GST money being split with other states? All this can be done without bringing a gas tax into it!”

SPEAKING OF THE WA DEAL: He might sit in a swanky Parisien office, but OECD chair Mathias Cormann still has one eye on Canberra. The former finance minister called into ABC radio to defend his “very important” sweetheart GST deal for his home state.

How convenient: Asked about multiculturalism and One Nation’s rise, Cormann suddenly lost his courage for commentary: “I’m now in a non-partisan job … I’m just not going to get into that sort of party political commentary.”

REQUIRED READING

YOUR NACC NEEDS YOU: In the midst of its identity crisis, the National Anti-Corruption Commission is begging federal public sector staff to share anonymous feedback on corruption risks in order to inform its education and prevention work. (That’s a much bigger chunk of the work of the NACC and many integrity bodies than often recognized.)

Submissions are open until Sept. 25 and public servants have already received an email with the survey link: Check your inbox!

NACCKERED: NACC has received 222 referrals this financial year, has launched 19 preliminary investigations and has another 33 full-blown investigations underway.

Nepotism and stationary fiends: Top corruption concerns captured in the last report included nepotism, fraud and undisclosed conflicts, but also a whopping 50,000 respondents pointing to petty crime within their organization, including theft, vandalism and intimidation.

Playbook takes corruption seriously. If you know someone who’s stolen a pen or notebook recently, or if you want to provide us with your concerns, let us know on WhatsApp 0494 380 487 or canberraplaybook@politico.com.

LOCAL CANBERRA

COMMUNITY CORNER

This is your place to share tips about life and drama in Canberra.

WhatsApp 0494 380 487 or email canberraplaybook@politico.com

SPARE A THOUGHT: Jason Koutsoukis, beloved press gallery veteran, Saturday Paper special correspondent, and husband of Berlin Playbook editor Ulrike Putz, has suffered two lost teeth and a broken hand after being attacked by a magpie while riding an e-scooter into Parliament. You should see the other guy.

CITIZEN OF THE YEAR goes to Josh Martin, a 7NEWS press gallery reporter who tackled a man attacking shoppers in Dickson Woolies. The supermarket chain says the man had been responsible for nine earlier incidents at the supermarket. The modest Martin said his effort “probably wasn’t your standard rugby league tackle. It was more just to bring the guy down and not injure him.”

EX-FILES: Tickets are still available to watch Alastair Campbell, former spin doctor for Tony Blair, in-conversation at The Canberra Theatre on Nov. 23.

There are 10 tickets left if you want to join former PM Kevin Rudd at the annual Australian Institute of International Affairs ACT branch dinner on Sept. 9.

MOVES, APPOINTMENT AND PROMOTIONS

MEET THE ANTI-JULIE BISHOP, READY FOR CLEAN UP ON AISLE ANU: ICYMI, Gordon de Brouwer is the new Chancellor at the ANU. De Brouwer, who’s an alumnus of the university, has just finished up a gig as Australian Public Service Commissioner where he spent two years cleaning up after the unlawful robodebt scheme. He’s now been brought in to mop up at Australia’s national uni, which was at pains to point out in its announcement materials what a good, integrity-minded guy he was. Doyenne of Australian higher education journalism Julie Hare writes that he is the “polar opposite” of outgoing chancellor Bishop. Let’s see if Playbook readers can boost his 78 Instagram followers.

Chris Gatenby has been sworn in as a Tasmanian Senator, replacing retiring Sen. Wendy Askew. Gatenby was previously a senior adviser to Jeremy Rockliff.

David Turvey, Australian Tertiary Education Commission CEO, has been promoted to SES Band 3, Veterans’ Affairs.

Debbie Arnold has been promoted to SES Band 2, First Assistant Secretary, Ministerial, Engagement & Communications.

BIRTHDAYS

Independent Sen. Lidia Thorpe, Global Strategic Communications Council’s Tim Nuthall turns 50, POLITICO’s Hanne Cokelaere, The AFR’s business reporter Zoe Samios, and senior writer Myriam Robin.

It takes a village. Playbook is brought to you by a global team, today including editor Joe Schatz and producer Rachel Confetti, with thanks to Paul Karp and to Milton Dick for supplying us with so much content. If the Real Housewives ever build a Canberra franchise: we want you on it.

A message from Amazon:

Thousands of businesses in Australia sell on Amazon — helping turn local products into global brands. On the sun-drenched NSW Mid-North Coast, Allan Hutcherson runs Freshwater Farm, a family business that makes body and hair-care products.

After buying the farm, the family revived its native plants and used the oils and honey to craft premium body care, including their signature Lemon Myrtle range. They were already well known in Australia, but wanted to make a splash overseas. Amazon helped them reach more customers in the US, where repeat customers have nearly doubled. And it stays a family affair: Allan, his wife, their kids and their grandkids all get their hands dirty on the farm.

LONDON — The personal mobile phone numbers of three U.K. Cabinet ministers — including Defense Secretary Wes Streeting — have been found published online alongside their names.

The discovery comes after POLITICO reported that Prime Minister Andy Burnham fell victim to a texting scam — engaging with messages from someone impersonating Susie Wiles, Donald Trump’s White House chief of staff, before becoming suspicious the contact was illegitimate and ending the conversation.

After checking through a list of Cabinet members, POLITICO found three published on the web, for Streeting, Justice Secretary Alex Norris and Northern Ireland Secretary Chris Bryant. POLITICO is not pointing to where the numbers can be found to avoid further risking security.

All three ministers declined to comment on the record. The reference to Streeting’s number online has since been deleted, and officials are working to remove the other two.

Ministers are given secure government devices to conduct business for their briefs, in particular for high-risk roles like defense, and are expected to use those for non-personal comms.

A government spokesperson said: “The government has robust procedures in place to ensure the security of sensitive information.”

But Prerana Joshi, research fellow at the Royal United Services Institute (RUSI) think tank, said that having direct numbers for Cabinet ministers in the public domain is a risk, warning that numbers could be spoofed and used to call others at a time when the U.K. is “in a high threat situation” globally.

“In any civil space, if your number is exposed, a whole host of malign, nefarious or even opportunistic cyber criminals or cyber actors could get hold of it, and they have tactics,” Joshi said.

‘No significance’

Downing Street would not comment on the revelation that Burnham exchanged messages with the impersonator, citing “national security.”

One person briefed on the communications said a “few messages” were exchanged after the PM entered No. 10 but insisted they were “of no significance.”

It is unclear how the fraudster obtained Burnham’s number. POLITICO could not find it published online.

British officials initially feared Wiles’ phone had been hacked again. But a White House official said: “This incident had nothing to do with the Chief of Staff’s devices being hacked.”

It is not clear whether Burnham will change his phone number, as Boris Johnson did after the Popbitch newsletter revealed in 2021 that the then-prime minister’s details had been sitting online for years.

‘Full of traps’

The episode has sharpened questions over whether Burnham — who built his political brand on his informal style and being more approachable than other prime ministers — can carry on that way in No. 10.

A former national security adviser, granted anonymity to speak frankly, said the prime minister needs to “get into the habit” of having his security staff verify that messages reaching him are authentic.

National Security Adviser Jonathan Powell “could have phoned the White House in five minutes and checked whether Susie Wiles genuinely was texting the prime minister,” they said.

“Being a domestic politician and going on listening tours around the U.K. is one thing, but when you engage in the international world, it’s full of traps and full of risks,” the former adviser added.

“What starts off as a very informal chat can quickly get into some kind of business, and you could give away key details of an upcoming trip or the movements of Donald Trump,” they said.

Former Defense Secretary Ben Wallace — himself targeted by imposters posing as Ukraine’s prime minister in 2022 — said the incident “demonstrates our adversaries are always looking for weak points in our communications.”

While Downing Street has said nothing significant was discussed in the exchanges between Burnham and the imposter, Wallace said “there is always a risk of kompromat” being obtained by hostile actors.

As technology, such as AI voice cloning, improves, these sort of incidents are going to “happen more and more,” Wallace added.

Others have urged Burnham not to change tack.

Guto Harri, Johnson’s former director of communications, said: “It’s only a threat and it’s only an embarrassment if they give something away — and it doesn’t seem that he’s done anything like that.”

Harri said it was “good to have someone big enough not to have his calls screened from everyone” as prime minister.

“I don’t think it’s healthy that the civil service wants to control all access to the principal. If they had their way, nobody would be able to talk to a prime minister without going through them,” he said.

“We can’t say that politicians are not living in the same world as us … and then moan about them speaking to people like a normal human being.”

Harri conceded a new number might be a “good idea,” giving the prime minister a “clean slate.”

Dan Bloom contributed to this report.

Ukraine called on the European Union to sanction the Russian state nuclear company Rosatom on Monday, hours after a POLITICO investigation revealed allegations of safety and engineering failures at one of the company’s flagship projects.

“Rosatom is not just another energy company — it is the instrument of Russia’s ambition to secure a global monopoly in nuclear energy,” Foreign Minister Andrii Sybiha wrote on X.

He said the findings were further evidence that Rosatom was “not a reliable partner” and urged capitals to restart talks on EU sanctions. “No state should be doing nuclear business with a company complicit in war crimes,” he added, sharing a link to POLITICO’s article.

POLITICO’s investigation revealed warnings from Egyptian authorities and internal assessments by Rosatom regarding the construction of the El Dabaa nuclear plant. The documents obtained by POLITICO raised concerns ranging from the quality of concrete work to delays and management problems, while an Egyptian agency alleged “deliberate negligence” and violations of “nuclear safety culture.” Nuclear material has yet to be introduced at the site.

Rosatom previously defended its safety record at El Dabaa and pointed to regular scrutiny of the project by Egyptian, Russian and International Atomic Energy Agency officials. None of the allegations contained presented to Rosatom by POLITICO, have been “confirmed within the contractual, technical and oversight procedures envisaged by the project,” the company said in a statement.

It did not respond to a request for comment on Sybiha’s remarks on Monday.

Sybiha’s call puts renewed pressure on EU governments that continue to cooperate with Rosatom despite Russia’s war in Ukraine. In Hungary, the company is building two new reactors at the Paks II nuclear plant using the same VVER-1200 technology planned for El Dabaa.

Hungarian Prime Minister Péter Magyar last week challenged Rosatom’s claim that construction for the reactors remained on schedule, saying his government was carrying out a full review of the project.

A major military music festival in Moscow has been canceled four days before it was due to start, the organizers said on Telegram.

The lavish parade, known as the Spasskaya Tower International Military Music Festival, attracts thousands of visitors and brings together dozens of military bands in the heart of Moscow on Red Square near the Kremlin.

The event, which began in 2007 at President Vladimir Putin’s orders, is one of Russia’s most prominent military-themed events, alongside the May 9 Victory Day parade in Moscow and the Navy Day show in St. Petersburg. Spasskaya “Tower was only canceled once before — in 2020 due to the Covid-19 pandemic.

In its early years, military bands from EU countries, Australia and Canada took part in Spasskaya Tower, though the number of international participants has declined since Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022.

According to the festival’s Telegram channel, “the event has been postponed until 2027 due to circumstances beyond the organizers’ control.”

The move comes amid an increase in Ukrainian drone attacks on the Russian capital.

Overnight, Kyiv’s forces launched one of the largest assaults on Moscow in recent months, with more than 600 drones directed toward the Russian capital and surrounding region. The strikes, which, according to Russian media, targeted the facilities of Wildberries, a major Russian online marketplace, as well as logistics warehouses, sparked massive fires and killed one person.

Earlier in June, the Kremlin canceled another event in Moscow’s Red Square — a gala concert marking Russia Day. The Victory Day parade on May 9 was held on a limited scale and, for the first time in nearly 20 years, without heavy military equipment.

RIGA — Latvian Prime Minister Andris Kulbergs wants Brussels to hand over €7 billion to help cover the military and economic costs of confronting Russia, as pressure grows over the price of the country’s hard line on Moscow.

The money should come from the EU’s next seven-year budget, under a new Competitiveness Fund, to offset higher defense spending and the collapse in trade with Russia since Moscow’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, Kulbergs told POLITICO’s Brussels Playbook in an interview.

The cash, which Riga wants to come on top of other funds earmarked for the country, would amount to almost half of Latvia’s projected €15.1 billion defense bill over the seven-year budget period.

The demand comes at a sensitive moment. Latvia has been one of Europe’s staunchest supporters of Ukraine, sharply increasing defense spending since Moscow’s full-scale invasion, even as sanctions and the collapse of bilateral trade have cut deeply into economic links that once ran eastward. But ahead of an Oct. 3 national election, parties arguing that Riga should demand more in return for sanctions and military support are gaining ground.

The European Commission has proposed substantially increasing EU-level defense funding in the 2028-2034 budget, including a €125.2 billion security, defense industry and space pot in the European Competitiveness Fund. That money is designed to finance projects across the bloc rather than provide Latvia with a pre-agreed €7 billion allocation, and the entire budget remains subject to negotiations between EU governments and the European Parliament.

Kulbergs argues that Latvia deserves special consideration because it is borrowing to provide security for countries much farther from the front line. “We are getting our budget deficit to the maximum […] and from that debt we’re paying […] the defense of the whole [of] Europe,” the prime minister said at the government chancellery.

Much of Latvia’s military spending ultimately flows back to richer Western European economies, Kulbergs added, pointing to arms purchases from Germany, France, Spain, Sweden and the Netherlands. “We fuel their economies,” he added.

Election pressure

A sharper version of the same argument is emerging on the campaign trail.

Ainārs Šlesers, a veteran populist businessman whose party sits with the far-right Patriots for Europe group in Brussels, says Latvia should demand compensation when it backs EU sanctions on Russia. Šlesers condemns Moscow’s invasion and says support for Ukraine should continue, but argues that Latvia cannot absorb the costs indefinitely.

“We are losing money … we are talking about how to support Ukraine, but we are a victim,” he told POLITICO at his Riga campaign headquarters.

When EU sanctions come up for renewal, Šlesers said Latvia should “get in return support.” Asked whether that could mean withholding Riga’s backing for sanctions, he stopped short of threatening a veto but did not rule it out. “I don’t want to talk about [a] veto [now],” he said. “I guess that we […] will find a peaceful solution.”

Šlesers, who has business ties with Russian oligarchs, said the country needs to eventually restore economic ties with Moscow, and advocated for a quick end to the war. “There are things which we cannot replace because if it’s your neighboring country and you’re connected historically […] we need to find the right model.”

He argued that whether to hand over territory to Russia should be “a decision by Ukraine” but argued that other countries have lost territory to Russia after conflicts, including Latvia, “to reach [a] peace agreement.”

Kulbergs’ center-right party currently leads the polls, but coalition arithmetic could determine how far Latvia’s Russia policy shifts after October.

The far-right, pro-Russia Sovereign Power party, polling second, wants to restore ties with Moscow but is considered off-limits by mainstream parties. Šlesers, polling third, is a more plausible coalition partner — and Kulbergs has left the door open to governing with him.

The center-left Progressives, polling fourth and also hoping to enter government with Kulbergs, warn that bringing Šlesers into the coalition would gradually soften Riga’s line on Russia.

“I’m 100 percent sure Latvia’s foreign policy towards Russia is going to soften over time,” the party’s prime ministerial candidate Andris Šuvajevs told POLITICO outside parliament. He pointed to possible sanctions exemptions for Russian business interests and ministers “speaking in a more friendly tone towards Russia.”

Tough on Russia

Ahead of a new sanctions package due in the fall, Kulbergs called for a total EU visa ban on Russians. EU countries granted more than 630,000 visas to Russian citizens in 2025.

In the last sanctions package, France and Italy resisted a blanket ban on Russian combatants, arguing this issue should be covered by EU visa rules rather than as part of sanctions, while northern and eastern countries pushed for tougher restrictions. The eventual deal created the legal and political basis for barring Russian combatants and ex-combatants who took part in the war — leaving it up to EU countries to decide when the ban would take effect. 

“Are we nuts?” said Kulbergs on the delay. “We allow Russian military soldiers to be given visas, the ones killing [Ukrainians] on the field.”

He also urged EU countries to revisit sending Russia’s €210 billion in sovereign assets frozen in Europe to Ukraine, dismissing concerns Moscow could challenge the move after the war.

Kulbergs also rebuked European Council President António Costa’s decision to open a communications channel with the Kremlin, saying doing so should be “a decision of all the countries together.”

He called any Kremlin outreach “a useless exercise,” arguing there’s no sign President Vladimir Putin is ready to negotiate and that talks would merely give Russia “breathing time” to make its “next move.”

Despite Latvia severing ties with its eastern neighbor, and Kulbergs’ hawkish position on relations with Moscow, he said “we have to be open” to reestablishing ties once Russia pays reparations to Ukraine and those responsible for war crimes face justice, pointing to postwar Germany as the example to follow. “Do we isolate Germany because of that? No, it’s acceptance of guilt, acceptance of wrongdoing, punishment, and retribution,” he said.

After a ceasefire, Kulbergs concluded, “the insecurity of the border will only rise” as the real threat will be a wave of migration as hundreds of thousands of “screwed up” soldiers return from the battlefield seeking a better life and other citizens flee as Moscow’s war economy crumbles.

Czech Prime Minister Andrej Babiš apologized Sunday for picking flowers in a protected area on Lysá hora, a mountain in eastern Czechia, saying he would pay a fine if necessary.

Babiš said in a Facebook video that he plucked the flowers while remembering a late colleague from his ANO movement with whom he had previously climbed the mountain.

“Maybe I broke some law, for which I apologize and I will definitely pay a fine if necessary, of course,” he said.

Footage from Saturday’s hike posted to Babiš’ Facebook page showed the prime minister climbing with a small bunch of flowers before laying them at a monument on the summit. Babiš was joined by two ministers, ANO politicians and supporters on the 1,324-meter peak, the highest point in the Moravian-Silesian Beskids.

An environmental expert working for an organization overseen by the Czech Environment Ministry told Czech local media outlet iDNES that Babiš had picked two thoroughly ordinary species — narrow-leaved willowherb and Fuchs’ ragwort — and was unlikely to face punishment.

“They are completely common flowers,” said the expert, whom the outlet did not name. “Absolutely no problem, not even in a national park.”

LONDON — U.K. Prime Minister Andy Burnham engaged with messages from somebody impersonating one of Donald Trump’s closest advisers, four officials have told POLITICO.

The new PM communicated with someone posing as White House chief of staff Susie Wiles before becoming suspicious that the contact was illegitimate, the officials said.

“We do not comment on national security matters,” Downing Street said. One person briefed on the communications said a “few messages” were exchanged after the PM entered No. 10 but insisted they were “of no significance.”

The British embassy in Washington was so concerned about the incident that it raised it with the White House, two of the officials said. Like others in this article, they were granted anonymity to discuss a matter of national security.

Inside the U.K. government, there were fears that Wiles’ phone had been hacked again.

A White House official said: “This incident had nothing to do with the Chief of Staff’s devices being hacked.”

Last year, the White House and the FBI launched an investigation after senators, governors and U.S. business executives received texts and phone calls from someone claiming to be Trump’s chief of staff.

The Wall Street Journal reported that Wiles told associates her cellphone contacts had been hacked.

What was discussed in the exchange with Burnham — and when the messages were sent — is unclear, with the erroneous contact kept a closely-guarded secret.

Burnham became PM on July 20, but it was clear he was on course to succeed Keir Starmer from the moment he won the Makerfield by-election on June 18.

This story has been updated to include a comment from a White House official.

Dave Brat, Australia’s freshly confirmed U.S. ambassador, didn’t need to learn another language to qualify for his new gig. But he’s coming into the job fluent in a niche dialect that could give him a big advantage.

“He can speak Trump,” James Braid, President Donald Trump’s director of legislative affairs, said in a recent interview. “He can understand Trump, and he’s recognized as a longtime Trump ally. And I think that will really help him facilitate Aussie-United States relations.”

This dynamic could be key as Brat gets to work in Canberra, where political leaders have been rattled by the Trump administration’s aggressive trade agenda resulting in the implementation of a 12.5 percent tariff on Australian goods.

A longtime economist and academic, Brat is an avowed free trade advocate, which could quell some nerves on the ground. But Brat has also defended the Trump administration’s tariff regime as a kind of reset of the U.S. economic relationship with the world, telling a local news outlet in his home state of Virginia last year that “these tariffs are an attempt to bring some balance.”

At the same time, he has the ear of the White House, having earned Trump’s trust and respect long ago as a Republican member of the U.S. House of Representatives from 2014 to 2019. There, Brat was a member of the House Freedom Caucus — a contingent of conservative hard-liners known for taking uncompromising positions on federal spending — and in 2016 he embraced then-presidential candidate Trump as other more establishment Republicans turned their noses.

“The president hasn’t forgotten that,” said Braid, who was policy director of the Freedom Caucus during that period.

The Freedom Caucus was, as it is now, perpetually at war with party leadership on Capitol Hill, but the group harnessed Brat’s affable disposition and deft touch in high-stakes policy negotiations. He was obsessed with making sure that the group’s goals would be understood both by negotiators across the table and the public — something his former colleagues expect him to bring to the international stage.

Justin Ouimette, a former longtime executive director of the House Freedom Caucus, said in an interview that Brat’s approach has always been, “here’s the message and here’s where it is coming from” — a tactic that “tends to lower the temperature.”

“He was one of those guys that’s typically dispatched to disagree without being disagreeable,” Braid agreed. “Brat is really effective at stating a position, being firm while also collaborating to reach an outcome, and so that that experience will serve him well in his new diplomatic post.”

There’s hope among some in Washington that Brat’s views on trade, coupled with his ties to the Trump administration, could help soothe existing tensions and result in a positive working relationship between the U.S. and Australia. That optimism is shared by Virginia’s two Democratic U.S. senators, Tim Kaine and Mark Warner, who supported Brat’s nomination.

“He will be very focused on commerce, trade, and economic opportunity. You know, things that are good for the U.S. and good for the Australian economies,” said Kaine, who as governor once relied on Brat’s contributions to a bipartisan economic advisory panel to build the state’s budget.

“He’ll be very mindful of the commercial relationship, and I think that’s something that will be viewed positively by the Aussies,” Kaine added.

He noted that Virginia’s massive naval base would now have an advocate in Brat amid the continued implementation of AUKUS, a trilateral security pact among Australia, the U.K. and the U.S. in 2021 aimed at helping Australia acquire nuclear-powered submarines.

Warner was less effusive, saying he has “disagreed with Dave on a lot of issues,” but acknowledged he also was “a smart guy” he supported for the ambassadorship.

Brat also has long been vocal about the competitive threats to the U.S. posed by China, a concern shared by Australia in its diplomatic engagement with the Pacific region. Ouimette speculated that “his clear-mindedness and alignment with the administration on that particular issue weighed in his favor” as the White House was making its ambassador selection.

There are still some unknowns, however, including whether Brat will be living in Canberra full time and how he’ll handle staffing issues at the U.S. Embassy.

“I understand that Mission Australia’s current staffing and facilities are insufficient to meet the demands of our expanding Alliance activities,” Brat said in a written response to U.S. Sen. Brian Schatz, a Hawaii Democrat, as part of his confirmation proceedings. “Our investment in diplomatic infrastructure reflects our commitment to this vital partnership.”

Brat’s arrival heads a wave of new senior appointments at the embassy including Robert T. Koepcke as deputy chief of mission and Jonathan A. Habjan as counselor for political affairs.

A slew of new military postings at the embassy includes Col. Richard Bush as defense attaché; Col. Pete Roongsang as Army attaché; and Col. Kabir Rao as chief of MILGROUP, which manages security cooperation, foreign military sales and defense relations with the Australian Armed Forces.

Brat also hasn’t spoken publicly or at length about how or why he was recommended for this particular posting, though he said during his confirmation hearing that he “loved the Australian people I have met in my life and appreciate their decency, wit and sense of humor” — as well as being a “tennis fanatic” eager to engage in “sports diplomacy across the board.”

Australian Prime Anthony Albanese is also a keen tennis player, known to invite dignitaries and journalists to play on the court at his official Canberra residence, The Lodge.

“I’m very much looking forward to having a hit of tennis with David Brat,” Albanese told POLITICO, adding that he believes Brat’s appointment will “bolster” the existing alliance.

Brat did not respond to POLITICO’s requests for interviews.

But Braid made clear that sending Brat to Australia is not a vanity posting or just a favor for a longtime Trump loyalist, calling Brat “a serious lawmaker with serious chops.” He conceded that while Brat “comes from a political tradition that may be a little bit unfamiliar to the Australians,” he brings relationships and experiences to the table a career foreign service officer could not.

“This is a serious person,” Braid said.

Germany’s political parties have converged on an unusual point of agreement: A law penalizing citizens for insulting politicians needs to change, following controversial investigations of people who mocked Chancellor Friedrich Merz as “Pinocchio” and “Lying Fritz.”

But while politicians across the spectrum agree the law needs fixing — they just can’t agree how, or when, to change it, according to a POLITICO survey of the lawmakers responsible for the issue from each of the parties represented in the Bundestag. 

“We take seriously the criticism that, in practice, it may have created the impression of a special legal privilege for politicians,” said Susanne Hierl, a lawmaker from Merz’s center-right Christian Democratic Union (CDU). “Such preferential treatment was never the intention of the legislature.”

Moritz Oppelt, the CDU justice minister of Germany’s southwestern state of Baden-Württemberg echoed the sentiment, arguing the law should serve only its original intent of protecting local politicians, who are often subject to particular vitriol.

“Top politicians can and must be able to withstand tough criticism,” he said. “It is fundamental to our democracy, and part of our understanding of democracy in Germany, that people are free to discuss political decisions at the federal and state levels and criticize them very harshly. That does not mean that insults in the political sphere should become normalized. There are, of course, limits.”

Variations of this view find consensus across Germany’s fractured political spectrum. The far-left Left Party and far-right Alternative for Germany (AfD) party want the law abolished outright, while the CDU, Greens and center-left Social Democratic Party (SPD) all support revising it. 

“Politicians like Friedrich Merz insult ordinary people in this country every day by calling them lazy or malingerers,” said Luke Hoss, a Left lawmaker, referring to the chancellor’s remarks that Germans should work more to boost economic growth. “The provision creates a special criminal offense that applies only to politicians and should be abolished.”

Tobias Peterka, an AfD lawmaker, said tough criticism comes with the job. “Anyone who voluntarily enters politics and exercises public authority must — as Germany’s Federal Constitutional Court has repeatedly emphasized — tolerate harsher criticism than private citizens, not less,” he argued.

While a version of the law giving special protection to politicians, Section 188 of the criminal code, has existed since 1951, former Chancellor Angela Merkel’s government in 2021 strengthened the legislation as part of broader efforts to combat right-wing extremism and hate speech.

The reform came after the 2019 murder of CDU lawmaker Walter Lübcke by a far-right extremist and amid verbal and physical attacks on local politicians amid the COVID-19 pandemic. Lübcke had been an outspoken supporter of Germany’s refugee policy under Merkel.

The law applies to insults made publicly or through social media posts when they are linked to the politician’s public role and are deemed to significantly impede their work. Offenders face up to three years in prison or a fine for insulting politicians; defamation and “malicious gossip” carry stronger penalties.

But opinion has turned against the law following several recent investigations and prosecutions of regular people for insulting politicians. One man was fined for calling Merz “Lügenfritz,” or “Lying Fritz,” another for calling him “Fotzenfritz” (“pussy-hound Fritz”), a defamatory nickname coined by a satirical magazine. “Fritz” is a common nickname for Friedrich.

Andy Hüttner, a 66-year-old retiree from southwestern Germany, was investigated for writing “Pinocchio is coming” on a local police Facebook post about security measures for a planned visit by Merz.

“I thought calling Mr. Merz ‘Pinocchio’ was absolutely fitting because he promised so much and delivered so little,” Hüttner told POLITICO. “It never crossed my mind that anything could happen because of that comment.”

After the news of the investigation kicked off a media furor — and condemnation from U.S. Undersecretary of State for Public Diplomacy Sarah Rogers — the case was dropped.

Under German law, insulting any person (Beleidigung) can be a criminal offense, but the law for politicians makes the potential punishment for insults and defamation more severe.

But there’s growing agreement that the law attempting to provide extra protections for politicians has gone too far.

CDU lawmaker Hierl said local politicians still need protection. “We will therefore carefully review both the wording of Section 188 and the way it is applied,” she said.

The opposition Greens agree that the law should focus on protecting local politicians.

“Repealing Section 188 of the German Criminal Code would send the wrong signal,” Lena Gumnior, one of the party’s lawmakers, wrote in a statement. “I could, however, envision reforming Section 188 so that it applies only to elected officeholders at the municipal level.”

SPD Justice Minister Stefanie Hubig said in June that politicians must be able to bear more criticism than regular citizens, broadly echoing the position of the Greens and CDU. In June, Germany’s state justice ministers called for the law to be narrowed so that it applies to municipal officeholders. 

For the moment, however, neither Merz’s governing CDU nor the opposition Greens are preparing a legislative push for after the summer recess. 

An AfD bill to abolish Section 188 was voted down by the Bundestag, and while the party has since introduced another bill, centrist parties have vowed not to work with the far right, maintaining a so-called “firewall” around the party.

The Left party has also introduced a parliamentary motion addressing Section 188, more evidence of the broad consensus around changing the law — even if mainstream politicians haven’t gotten around to it yet.

BRUSSELS — A Russian state-controlled corporation building a nuclear power plant in Hungary is facing allegations of safety, security and engineering failures at another project in Egypt that uses the same technology, according to internal documents obtained by POLITICO. 

In a confidential letter dated June 4 and addressed to a Rosatom executive, Egypt’s Nuclear Power Plants Authority describes “defects” affecting multiple reactor units and violations of “nuclear safety culture” as it builds the El Dabaa nuclear plant. The letter also cites “deliberate negligence” on the part of an official at the project. 

The tranche of documents was shared through an intelligence official who was granted anonymity because they are not authorized to speak to the media, and it has never previously been made public. It includes confidential company documents that describe construction delays and engineering concerns coming from Rosatom’s own reviews of the project. 

Since Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022 prompted Europe to impose sweeping sanctions on the country, Rosatom has tried to convince European governments that it remains a reliable and competent supplier in the nuclear power market. But the accusations of safety breaches could add to existing concerns over the Kremlin-controlled company’s operations in the EU.

In an emailed statement to POLITICO, Rosatom said it upholds the highest levels of nuclear safety and had done so throughout the construction of El Dabaa. The company declined to comment on whether it had received the letter or the complaints from Egypt’s Nuclear Power Plants Authority, which did not respond to multiple requests for comment about its communications with Rosatom.

“The high standard of work organisation, the quality management system and the safety culture are affirmed by the sustained attention paid to the project by the political leadership of the Russian Federation and the Arab Republic of Egypt, as well as by the leadership of the International Atomic Energy Agency, whose representatives regularly attend key project milestones,” said the company by email, adding that a recent ceremony for one of El Dabaa’s reactor units was attended by Russian, Egyptian and IAEA officials.

None of the allegations contained in the letter, presented to Rosatom by POLITICO, have been “confirmed within the contractual, technical and oversight procedures envisaged by the project,” read the company’s statement.

Egyptian Prime Minister Mostafa Madbouly said in July he expected the construction of all four El Dabaa reactors to finish by 2030, with the first reactor unit set to begin producing power by 2028. No nuclear fuel has yet been introduced to the site. Rosatom’s Egyptian plant will use the same technology at the heart of Hungary’s Paks II project, the Kremlin-backed nuclear expansion that has repeatedly raised tensions between Budapest and the European Commission.

The Commission told POLITICO it was not aware of the confidential documents and allegations they contain. “For the EU, nuclear safety is a key priority,” said a Commission spokesperson. 

They added that while the Commission was following the project’s developments, “issues of nuclear safety are [the] responsibility of the EU Member State concerned.”

Initially green-lit by Hungary’s former Prime Minister Viktor Orbán in 2014, the Paks II project became emblematic of Budapest’s alignment with Russian President Vladimir Putin and provided a foothold for Russian energy technology inside the EU. Work began on the project in February this year.

The Kremlin-controlled corporation also has plant projects in Turkey and China, while Germany is under fire for green-lighting a deal in July that will allow one of Rosatom’s subsidiaries to help produce nuclear fuel rods for a plant in Lower Saxony. The German government said the deal would be under strict national security controls.

The Egyptian government and its embassies in Belgium and the United States did not respond to multiple requests for comment.

The allegations

Once fully operational, the El Dabaa complex will contain four Russian-designed nuclear reactor units under the supervision of the Nuclear Power Plants Authority. In the letter sent by the Egyptian authority to Rosatom, an official at the agency wrote that uncompleted reactor units have already encountered defects.

Originally sent to Rosatom in English, the letter appears to have been translated into Russian for internal circulation. POLITICO is citing a version of the letter translated back into English.

“There has been a re-emergence of serious concrete defects, including voids behind the metal cladding at Unit 4, defects in the foundation slabs of Units 1, 2 and 3, which took a year to repair, and defects in the cellular structure in the cylindrical wall of the reactor building at Unit 4,” details the letter. 

The Egyptian agency then accuses Rosatom of “misleading methods” and “fictitious work” attempting to prove the plant’s construction is over halfway complete, “while a visual inspection at the site clearly shows that the main buildings of the nuclear island are still in the underground construction phase.”

Rosatom, the Egyptian authority alleges, also presides over an unprofessional workplace culture in which workers were caught in possession of  “prohibited alcoholic beverages” on the work site, used “forged passes and impersonated others to gain unauthorized access,” and took several “photos and videos taken at the construction site” that ended up on social media, “which negatively affected the reputation of the project.”

The letter makes reference to a serious accident on the construction site, which resulted in a worker suffering “a severe open fracture” and then being smuggled to a private vehicle, not to an “equipped ambulance,” which the Egyptian authority claims was done “intentionally” to cover up the incident.

“Such behavior represents a serious disregard for both human well-being and professional responsibility, and constitutes a gross violation of workplace safety regulations, nuclear safety culture and reporting obligations,” said the letter.

Four additional internal Rosatom business documents reviewed by POLITICO reinforce aspects of the Egyptian authority’s concerns, detailing delays, construction-quality problems and project-management failures. One Rosatom draft audit prepared internally in 2025 warned of a “significant risk of failure to fulfill” the company’s contractual obligations and forecast that the preliminary schedule of El Dabaa’s first reactor unit could slip by 18 months, from September 2028 to March 2030.

Future in doubt

The allegations contained in the documents cast a shadow over the Paks II project in Hungary and are likely to reinforce concerns in Brussels about entrusting critical European infrastructure to a company under the Kremlin’s control.

In a lengthy commentary by the Royal United Services Institute, a London-based defense and security think tank, researchers warned Western countries against doing business with Rosatom, citing its deep connections to Russian intelligence and its problematic role in forcibly running the occupied Zaporizhzhia nuclear power plant in Ukraine through military force.

For the government of Hungary’s newly elected Prime Minister Péter Magyar, the Rosatom revelations also present a new headache: Paks II remains indispensable to Hungary’s plans to decarbonize its electricity system and replace aging nuclear capacity. In an effort to reexamine Orbán-era policymaking, Magyar’s government recently opened a review into Paks II, questioning its hefty price tag and connections to Putin. 

Former Hungarian Green lawmaker Benedek Jávor, who focused on Paks II and was critical of the Orbán government, cautioned other governments about working with Rosatom. He told POLITICO he now believed the allegations coming out of El Dabaa could have far-reaching consequences for Rosatom and the fate of Paks II.

“They’ve already decided to reconsider the contract, and this was already communicated during the election campaign,” he said of Magyar’s government. “[This] information from Egypt will definitely be part of the evaluation.”

President Donald Trump directed the Pentagon on Sunday to substantially scale back planned joint military exercises with South Korea, saying that South Korea declined to help with denuclearizing Iran.

“These exercises are not only costly, with much of these costs paid for by the United States of America (as usual!), but send a signal that is totally inappropriate and hostile,” Trump wrote on Truth Social, while emphasizing his “very good relationship” with North Korean leader Kim Jong Un.

The move directing Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth — who in May praised South Korean leaders for their commitment to “alliance burden-sharing” in defense of the Korean Peninsula — to scale back the plans comes just a day before the 11 days of exercises were set to start on Monday, part of an annual practice to deter threats from North Korea.

Trump also sought to end the exercises during his first administration, similarly arguing at the time that doing so “will save us a tremendous amount of money.”

North Korea launched its latest round of ballistic missile tests just last week, seen in part as a response to the announcement of the U.S. and South Korea’s planned military exercises.

The U.S. and South Korea have held joint military exercises for more than 70 years. This year’s iteration, termed Ulchi Freedom Shield, was expected to involve about 18,000 South Korean troops and a sizable portion of the 28,500 American troops stationed in the country.

Pentagon leaders are considering plans to withdraw about 4,500 troops from South Korea, to be redeployed elsewhere in the Indo-Pacific region.

Congress has generally opposed the idea, including language in last year’s national defense authorization act to prevent the administration from reducing the American footprint there below the 28,500 level.

ROME — In the barns where the milk for Italy’s most famous cheese is produced, the fans have barely stopped whirring for two months. As temperatures across northern Italy push close to 40 degrees Celsius, cows stand almost motionless, tongues lolling, while automated sprinklers soak their backs.

Italy is now enduring its fourth major heat wave of an exceptionally brutal summer. The prolonged heat is piling costs on the €4 billion industry behind Parmigiano Reggiano, forcing farmers to spend heavily on cooling their animals while drought and dwindling water supplies make it harder and more expensive to grow the forage needed to feed them.

Farmers have received support from regional authorities, the EU and a producers’ consortium to help them adapt to the heat, but they say the funding falls short of the investment increasingly required.

For producers of the protected cheese, there is no possibility of escaping somewhere cooler. Under the strict rules governing Parmigiano Reggiano’s EU Protected Designation of Origin — that secures its added value on the market — the cows, their milk and the cheese must remain tied to a defined area of northern Italy. At least 75 percent of their forage must also be grown locally.

Dairy cows can begin suffering from heat stress at around 25C, depending on humidity, according to Giovanni Buonaiuto, a vet with the Parmigiano Reggiano Consortium, which defends producers’ interests. Their digestive system generates considerable heat as they break down food, while cows have relatively few sweat glands with which to disperse it. “It’s as if the cow has a radiator inside her,” Buonaiuto told POLITICO.

As temperatures rise, cows eat less and stand for longer to expose themselves to moving air. They rest and ruminate less, milk production falls and prolonged heat can also affect fertility.

Buonaiuto said milk production has fallen by about 10 percent on average during the summer, although the impact varies sharply between farms depending on their cooling systems.

Overheating herds

Federica Dall’Aglio, who raises 400 cattle on the plains near the city of Parma, said each cow was producing five to six kilograms less milk a day, a fall of roughly 20 percent, despite fans and water sprays installed to protect her herd.

The cows now spend much of their time beneath the fans and water sprays, she added, as they’re reluctant to move away from the cooling systems.

Outside the barns, farmers are reorganizing their working days around the heat too. Some now cut and collect hay at 3 a.m. or 4 a.m., Buonaiuto said, before the morning heat causes the hay to crumble. By 8 a.m. or 9 a.m., it can already be too hot.

Keeping the cows cool comes at a high cost.

Luca Cotti, a sixth-generation dairy farmer and president of farmers’ association Coldiretti in the northern Emilia-Romagna region, said electricity consumption in barns can double or even triple during extreme heat as cooling systems run almost continuously.

He recalled worrying about winter 20 years ago, with the weather freezing drinking water and other systems in the barn. Now investment is directed toward surviving summer.

The new normal

Extreme summer heat was once exceptional and might last a week before temperatures eased, Cotti said. Now, he said, “it’s normal.” This year, “since June, it has never let up.”

For some smaller producers with older facilities, the question is whether the investment is still worthwhile.

Dall’Aglio’s family has been investing in cooling systems for around 15 years, recently adding solar panels to help offset their growing electricity needs.

Across the Parmigiano Reggiano supply chain, such technology is becoming commonplace. Around half of its dairy farms, responsible for 70 percent of its milk, have invested in advanced cooling systems, including fans, motion-sensitive water sprays and automated temperature monitoring, according to the consortium president, Nicola Bertinelli.

The remaining 30 percent of milk comes largely from farms in the cooler hills and mountains, he said.

With persistently high temperatures, insufficient rainfall and water levels in major Alpine lakes approaching historic lows, authorities in the Po River basin, which supports agriculture across northern Italy through a network of tributaries and canals, have declared a high level of drought severity.

Alfalfa, an important source of forage for the cows, is relatively resistant to drought because of its deep roots. But Dall’Aglio said her family had already been irrigating heavily to ensure a good hay crop this year.

When rivers run too low for irrigation, some farmers have to pump groundwater instead, which can make irrigation around five times more expensive because of the energy required to extract it, according to Lorenzo Catellani of farmers’ association CIA Agricoltori Emilia-Romagna.

Coldiretti is calling on politicians to treat water storage as infrastructure rather than emergency relief.

Cotti said regional and national authorities need to invest in reservoirs and other water-storage infrastructure, arguing that individual farms cannot solve the growing problem of water scarcity alone.

Paradoxically, Parmesan producers normally worry about producing too much, not too little — and had sought to curb output this year. “We always have the brake on,” Cotti said, adding that high prices mean farmers have little difficulty increasing production when needed.

Despite the strain, producers insist there is no danger of Italy running short of Parmesan.

The cheese’s strong global market gives farmers greater scope to invest than producers in more fragile agricultural sectors.

For now, those investments are keeping Parmigiano production stable, although smaller farmers with aging barns may eventually choose to close rather than spend the money needed to adapt. For now, there is little to do but wait for the temperatures to fall. “We keep going like this,” Cotti said. “We hope it ends as soon as possible.”

Wie konnte ein polizeibekannter Gefährder das islamistische Attentat in Berlin auf den CSD verüben? Rixa Fürsen analysiert mit Extremismus-Expertin Gülden Hennemann, warum es bei den Behörden womöglich zu Fehleinschätzungen kam. Hennemann ist Politikwissenschaftlerin und Orientalistin. Sie leitet die Zentrale Koordinierungsstelle für Maßnahmen gegen Extremismus im bayerischen Justizvollzug.

Hennemann warnt, dass eine bloße Distanzierung z.B vom IS mögliche Täter nicht gleich ungefährlich mache. Sie fordert einen lückenlosen Informationsaustausch zwischen Polizei und Gerichten, der nicht durch falschen Datenschutz blockiert werden dürfe.

Im „Beraterkreis Islamismusprävention und Islamismusbekämpfung“ des Bundesinnenministeriums kämpft Hennemann dafür, Radikalisierungsprozesse frühzeitig zu stoppen, ganz besonders an Schulen. Zudem müsse die Gesellschaft aufhören, Islamismus aus falscher Angst vor Stigmatisierung zu tabuisieren.

Das Berlin Playbook als Podcast gibt es jeden Morgen ab 5 Uhr. Gordon Repinski und das POLITICO-Team liefern Politik zum Hören – kompakt, international, hintergründig.

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